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INDEX ON CENSORSHIP   |   VOL.53   |   NO.3 → Kenya Correspondents Association, draws a comparison between the current situation in Kenya and the period under president Daniel arap Moi in the 1990s, particularly regarding press freedom and expression. He notes that the Ruto regime has demonstrated “even greater repression” since he took power in 2022 – the year I was forced to leave the country because of my reporting into human rights abuses. Despite the constraints of a progressive constitution and the judiciary, Oloo highlights attempts to “gag the press through negative rhetoric”, citing official warnings – such as a recent letter from the Communication Authority to Nation Media Group, which cautioned media houses that some content on the protests violated the country’s constitutional limits on freedom of expression, as well as “brazen attacks on journalists during protests”. Oloo also emphasises that “abductions and killings are as chilling as during Moi’s era”. Under Moi detainees could be produced in court on trumpedup charges, but now “many are found dead under suspicious circumstances”. He contends that the situation would be even worse without a strong constitution, responsive judiciary and social media. Independent media outlets with national coverage – among them Citizen Television of Royal Media Services, Nation Media Group, and Standard Group – have also faced online threats in what appears to be a well co-ordinated effort to silence or censor their reporting. The youth-led movement alleges that it was infiltrated by government agents, who exploited the movement’s leaderless and non-tribal stance ABOVE: A protester receives medical treatment from a team of paramedics in Nairobi in July 2024 after he was hit by a tear-gas canister during a demonstration against police violence The president has accused both international and local organisations of financing and inciting nationwide protests against his administration and has condemned the media for “glorifying” the protests that began on 18 June, sparked by a controversial proposed tax increase. The protests, driven mainly by young Kenyans, were a culmination of deep frustration over soaring living costs, bad governance, rampant corruption, rising national debt and a series of unfulfilled government promises. Protests spread to about half of Kenya’s 47 counties, driven initially by opposition to a taxation bill which was withdrawn after demonstrators stormed and set parts of the parliament building on fire on 25 June. Officers indiscriminately fired tear gas and water cannons and used rubber and live bullets to attack unarmed protesters, especially those with recording devices. 20  INDEXONCENSORSHIP.ORG
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F eat ures C R E D I T: S O P A I m a g e s L i m i t e d / A l a m y Several journalists and bloggers recounted brutal assaults on protesters, with those abducted saying they have been tortured to extract information about organisers and funders. Catherine Wanjeri Kariuki and Macharia Gaitho were prominent media victims. On 16 July, Kariuki, a Media Max journalist, was shot three times by police in Nakuru County while covering protests, despite wearing a marked Press jacket. The day after, veteran journalist Gaitho was abducted from a police station where he had sought protection. He was handcuffed, driven away and released only after public outrage following an online viral video of his abduction. Meanwhile, CNN photojournalist Fabien Muhure faced harassment and was hit with water cannons by police during the protests. According to press freedom groups including Article 19, the Kenya Editors Guild and the Media Council of Kenya, at least 18 journalists have been physically attacked, harassed or intimidated. Five more have been arrested, and there have been six documented cases of equipment being damaged or confiscated. The initial street protests ceased in August because of the government’s brutal crackdown. However, the movement has shifted online, where protesters are now targeting specific institutions they perceive as weak links in their demands for better governance, adherence to the rule of law, and an end to corruption. But their campaigns are also being countered online. Some key protesters, including Godfrey Masasa, accused the president’s online army of targeting, coercing, or incentivising prominent social media influencers central to the movement’s digital lifeline. The youth-led movement alleges that it was infiltrated by government agents, who exploited the movement’s leaderless and non-tribal stance. State-sponsored bloggers launched hashtags like #CrushAnarchists, particularly targeting This alarming situation in Kenya has raised serious concerns both within the country and internationally those who resisted co-option or compromise by government operatives. This strategy aimed to fracture the movement particularly on X—a key platform for real-time coordination of nationwide protests. Posts sought to undermine the protests’ legitimacy, erode public trust in their message, and reinforce the state’s narrative as having “addressed all the protesters’ demands”. In a move seen as an attempt to quell dissatisfaction and consolidate legitimacy, Ruto has also reconstituted a “broad-based and inclusive government” with his long-time rival, opposition leader Raila Odinga. This tactic has been perceived as a strategy not only to weaken any meaningful opposition but also to solidify Ruto’s administration amid the unrest. Nevertheless. Kenya’s civil and political rights, once a hallmark of its democratic identity, are under threat. Freedoms to protest, speak freely, and assemble are increasingly restricted, with Parliament considering laws imposing hefty fines on protesters. Demonstrators are still facing arbitrary arrests on vague charges like “incitement” or “illegal assembly,” while activists and opposition leaders are regularly targeted. Human rights NGOs are also still facing heightened scrutiny, with some being shut down due to bureaucratic obstacles and targeted harassment. The Kenya National Commission on Human Rights (KNCHR) reports that at least 66 people are thought to have been abducted or are still missing since the protests began. The KNCHR states that at least 60 people have been killed, 601 injured, and 1,376 arrested during the protests. Some of those declared missing have resurfaced alive, while others have been found dead. The Independent Policing Oversight Authority (IPOA) is investigating allegations of police involvement in the disappearances but has yet to provide specific details. Meanwhile, President Ruto continues to dismiss claims of abductions, stating during a town hall meeting on 28 July in Mombasa, “If there is any Kenyan who has disappeared, I want people to step forward and say Kenyan so-and-so has disappeared. I will be very happy to deal with it.” Morris Odhiambo, Executive Director at the Centre for Law and Research International, told Index that Kenyan regimes have historically relied on brutality and manipulation – including exploiting ethnic identities – to retain power. When these tactics fail, they resort to “patronage and co-option”. The alarming situation in Kenya has raised serious concerns both within the country and internationally. Human rights groups and foreign missions, including in the USA, are sounding the alarm. In a joint statement, 38 national and international civil society organisations have condemned “alarming and unprecedented” violent crackdowns, abductions and disappearances targeting journalists, media houses, bloggers and protesters. Oloo warns that it will get worse for the media, too. Unlike Moi, who “made no pretence about respecting press freedom”, the current regime, he told Index, “professes respect for it while violating it with abandon”. Robert Kituyi is a Kenyan journalist who lives in exile in Europe 53(03):19/21|DOI:10.1177/03064220241285683 INDEXONCENSORSHIP.ORG   21

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INDEX ON CENSORSHIP   |   VOL.53   |   NO.3

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Kenya Correspondents Association, draws a comparison between the current situation in Kenya and the period under president Daniel arap Moi in the 1990s, particularly regarding press freedom and expression.

He notes that the Ruto regime has demonstrated “even greater repression” since he took power in 2022 – the year I was forced to leave the country because of my reporting into human rights abuses.

Despite the constraints of a progressive constitution and the judiciary, Oloo highlights attempts to “gag the press through negative rhetoric”, citing official warnings – such as a recent letter from the Communication Authority to Nation Media Group, which cautioned media houses that some content on the protests violated the country’s constitutional limits on freedom of expression, as well as “brazen attacks on journalists during protests”.

Oloo also emphasises that “abductions and killings are as chilling as during Moi’s era”. Under Moi detainees could be produced in court on trumpedup charges, but now “many are found dead under suspicious circumstances”.

He contends that the situation would be even worse without a strong constitution, responsive judiciary and social media.

Independent media outlets with national coverage – among them Citizen Television of Royal Media Services, Nation Media Group, and Standard Group – have also faced online threats in what appears to be a well co-ordinated effort to silence or censor their reporting.

The youth-led movement alleges that it was infiltrated by government agents, who exploited the movement’s leaderless and non-tribal stance

ABOVE: A protester receives medical treatment from a team of paramedics in Nairobi in July 2024 after he was hit by a tear-gas canister during a demonstration against police violence

The president has accused both international and local organisations of financing and inciting nationwide protests against his administration and has condemned the media for “glorifying” the protests that began on 18 June, sparked by a controversial proposed tax increase.

The protests, driven mainly by young Kenyans, were a culmination of deep frustration over soaring living costs, bad governance, rampant corruption, rising national debt and a series of unfulfilled government promises.

Protests spread to about half of Kenya’s 47 counties, driven initially by opposition to a taxation bill which was withdrawn after demonstrators stormed and set parts of the parliament building on fire on 25 June.

Officers indiscriminately fired tear gas and water cannons and used rubber and live bullets to attack unarmed protesters, especially those with recording devices.

20  INDEXONCENSORSHIP.ORG

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