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l i t e r a r y l i v e s up the Autobiography. According to Twain himself, in a private document penned in his final years, Lyon was a ‘drunken slut’ who, failing to seduce him, conspired with his personal assistant, Ralph Ashcroft, to embezzle him. None of that protrudes into what we have in this volume. Perhaps it will in the next volume. What, then, do we have here? The socalled ‘autobiography’ is in fact a series of top-of-the-head, straight-from-the-mouth ruminations. It’s the record of a virtuoso talker. His starting points are random: what he’s read in the morning papers, something arising from that day’s mail, something that simply drifts into his mind. There are illtempered complaints about the iniquitous laws of copyright (Twain thought authors, dead or alive, should own their work until the crack of doom). He bad-mouths every publisher he ever dealt with – they all robbed him. Over several daily entries he rants at God (worse than Nero and Caligula). There are neat japes, as when he dictates a cod letter approving some idiot suppression of Tom Sawyer and Huckleberry Finn because, he has been informed, ‘boys and girls have been allowed access to them’. The mind that becomes ‘soiled in youth’, Twain sagely opines, ‘can never again be washed clean’. He knows this, he adds, ‘by my own experience and to this day I cherish an unappeasable bitterness against the unfaithful guardians of my young life who not only permitted but compelled me to read an unexpurgated Bible through before I was fifteen years old’. There are some genuinely illuminating entries, as when he confesses that in every long work he has ever written the ‘tank ran dry’ halfway through. There are tender recollections of ‘Mrs Clemens’ on the anniversary of her death and nostalgic recollections about San Francisco when he reads in the newspapers accounts of the 1906 earthquake and catastrophic fire. One sees a mind bubbling and hears a uniquely American voice. So, is the Mark Twain Project a worthy expenditure of time and money if this is its outcome? It is. But I do wish they would hurry up. If nothing else, I am keenly awaiting the apparatus criticus for 1601. To order this book for £13.95, see the Literary Review Bookshop on page 16 j ohn g r ay Tribune of the People George Orwell: English Rebel By Robert Colls (Oxford University Press 356pp £25) Noone would have been more surprised by the fame that George Orwell has achieved than the man himself. Not widely known until the last year of his life, he is the 20th-century writer who overshadows all others. His account of the Spanish Civil War is a revelation, not only of the nature of that conflict but of a type of savage, internecine, popular warfare that is instantly recognisable today. Animal Farm captured the experience of life under communism and was read avidly behind the Iron Curtain. Nor has Orwell’s work dated as the Cold War has faded from memory. With Edward Snowden announcing the approach of something like a surveillance state, sales of Nineteen Eighty-Four have spiked worldwide. No other author of the last century has Orwell’s universal reach. Yet this was a writer who spent much of his life reconciling himself to his own country, which he first despised, then admired and eventually came to love. While making a cult of Englishness, Orwell somehow turned himself into a global figure. The author of Identity of England (2002), Robert Colls places the contradictions of Orwell’s Englishness at the heart of this subtle, probing and refreshingly original new study. Orwell was a thoroughly political writer; at the same time, nothing like a theory of politics can be extracted from his work. As Colls puts it: ‘There is little in the way of a political trajectory in Orwell’s life. It is more a series of intense reactions to peoples and places as he came upon them.’ He had something in him of the English tradition of radical Toryism, which ‘never gave itself to consistent political philosophizing’, as Colls notes. But as an ‘angry old Etonian’ who did not go to Cambridge and become a member of the Apostles, but went instead to Burma and joined the military police, Eric Blair was never going to fit comfortably into any political category. At times George Orwell (the publishing name he adopted in 1933) displayed almost clairvoyant insight. Reviewing Eugene Lyons’s forgotten masterpiece Assignment in Utopia in 1938, Orwell came nearer to grasping the nature of the Soviet system than an entire generation of Western intellectuals. As Edward Crankshaw, a historian of Russia, commented, Orwell: taking the rocky path the account Orwell gave of the show trials and Stalinist foreign policy was ‘astonishingly right for that time’. Orwell could also be extremely silly. In April 1940, he wrote that if victory in the war ‘meant nothing beyond a new lease of life for British imperialism’ he would be inclined to ‘side with Russia and Germany’. In the autumn of 1940, he declared that the war would provoke a working-class revolution: ‘I dare say the London gutters will have to run with blood … when the Red Militias are billeted at The Ritz.’ And with all his sensitivity to cruelty and persecution, Orwell’s Literary Review | o c t o b e r 2 0 1 3 6
page 9
l i t e r a r y l i v e s writings are peppered with bigoted references to ‘pansies’, Jews and other sections of humanity that were not included in his conception of ‘the people’. Orwell’s prejudices are fully displayed here, alongside his more heroic qualities. Clearly, Orwell is a man Colls admires. But, like the writer, Colls does not shrink from awkward facts. As a result, he has produced the closest and most intimate portrait of Orwell to date. One of the ways in which Orwell is an English writer is his fixation on class. His distaste for intellectuals and his hostility towards many of his fellow socialists were both based in perceptions of class. Colls writes: Middle-class socialists, according to Orwell, may speak for the workers. They may go in search of the workers. They may praise the workers. But secretly they dislike the workers for being working class, just as they dislike themselves for being middle class. As Colls goes on to show, Orwell exhibited all of these impulses. He viewed working-class communities as not much more than reactions against oppression, ignoring what made life worth living in them: ‘from the vantage point of a lodger and a visitor he seemed to think it was all endurance’. With no career plan or coterie to guide him, Orwell was what would now be called downwardly mobile; he drifted and settled on the bohemian fringe of the lower-middle classes. He never entered the working-class life that he observed and chronicled, but he was genuinely interested in the lives of working people and did his best to record them as he actually found them. Though ‘not averse to epiphanies of the people’, he did not shy away from recounting the ugliness of ordinary life in Britain in the 1930s – the dirt and smells, the unemptied chamber pots and unwashed bodies. His faith in the ultimate decency of ‘the people’ was an illusion born of his disgust with his own tribe. Yet he knew the people were not as he wished them to be. The unthinking proles of Nineteen Eighty-Four do not represent any kind of political hope. ‘In his urge to tell it like it was whatever the cost’, Colls writes, ‘Orwell had a lot of the journalist in him.’ It is a shrewd observation. Orwell’s resistance to ideology is very much that of a reporter – a faithfulness to fact that made the compromises of politics difficult for him and led to extraordinary acts of truth-telling. ‘Freedom of the intellect’, he wrote in his essay ‘The Prevention of Literature’ (1946), ‘means the freedom to report what one has seen, heard, and felt, and not to be obliged to fabricate imaginary facts and feelings.’ He continued by citing the forced repatriation of Russians back to the Soviet Union at the end of the war – an episode ‘known to many journalists on the spot’ that ‘went almost unmentioned in the British press, while at the same time Russophile publicists in England continued to justify the purges and deportations of 1936–1938’. The deported Russians were an unpopular group. Many had fought for the Germans – ‘mostly, no doubt, from non-political motives’, as Orwell points out – while some may have been war criminals. They also included women and children who, if they survived (some were killed or committed suicide), ended in the camps. All were displaced persons, a category of human being that governments and the people alike wanted to forget. Orwell’s report of their fate changed nothing, but it sets him apart from virtually every other Western writer of his time. Orwell’s truth-telling may go some way towards explaining how such a peculiarly English character could become the supremely global author he is today. His resistance to theorising led him to dwell on the minute particulars of the lives he observed; but these proved to be markers for universal experiences which the prevailing language of politics obscured. Under different banners – fascism and communism, imperialism and more recently the project of exporting democracy by military means – doublespeak has proved to be one of the defining traits of the age. Consistently resisting this corruption of thought and language, Orwell is the exemplary 20th-century writer. If he had no consistent political outlook, it was because the world, along with his own contrariness, kept getting in the way. To order this book for £20, see the Literary Review Bookshop on page 16 Seminarsat theLegatumInstitute, 11CharlesSt,Mayfair Master’s in International Affairs and Diplomacy October 2013-September 2014 A one-year, London-based course of ten evening seminars and individual research examining key issues in global power politics and diplomacy since the Napoleonic Wars, directed by Professor David Armstrong and Professor Richard Langhorne. The ten seminars are led by internationally distinguished experts including: Sir Rodric Braithwaite, former ambassador to Russia, Sir Richard Dearlove, former Head of MI6, Professor Sir Adam Roberts, Sir Malcolm Rifkind, former Foreign Secretary and Bridget Kendall, BBC Diplomatic Correspondent. Each seminar is followed by a private dinner, in the elegant surroundings of the Legatum Institute, at which participants can engage in questioning and argument with the speakers. Examination is by a research dissertation, on an approved topic within the time-frame of the course, of not less than 20,000 words. Others wishing to take part in the programme, but not intending to take the MA degree, may join the course as Associate Students - attending the seminars and dinners, but not submitting for examination. http://www.buckingham.ac.uk/humanities/ ma/diplomacy-research Course enquiries and applications: Professor David Armstrong david.armstrong@buckingham.ac.uk T H E U N I V E R S I T Y O F B U C K I N G H A M LONDON PROGRAMMES The University of Buckingham is ranked in the élite top sixteen of the 120 British Universities: The Guardian Universities League Table 2012-13 o c t o b e r 2 0 1 3 | Literary Review 7

l i t e r a r y l i v e s up the Autobiography. According to Twain himself, in a private document penned in his final years, Lyon was a ‘drunken slut’ who, failing to seduce him, conspired with his personal assistant, Ralph Ashcroft, to embezzle him. None of that protrudes into what we have in this volume. Perhaps it will in the next volume.

What, then, do we have here? The socalled ‘autobiography’ is in fact a series of top-of-the-head, straight-from-the-mouth ruminations. It’s the record of a virtuoso talker. His starting points are random: what he’s read in the morning papers, something arising from that day’s mail, something that simply drifts into his mind. There are illtempered complaints about the iniquitous laws of copyright (Twain thought authors,

dead or alive, should own their work until the crack of doom). He bad-mouths every publisher he ever dealt with – they all robbed him. Over several daily entries he rants at God (worse than Nero and Caligula). There are neat japes, as when he dictates a cod letter approving some idiot suppression of Tom Sawyer and Huckleberry Finn because, he has been informed, ‘boys and girls have been allowed access to them’. The mind that becomes ‘soiled in youth’, Twain sagely opines, ‘can never again be washed clean’. He knows this, he adds, ‘by my own experience and to this day I cherish an unappeasable bitterness against the unfaithful guardians of my young life who not only permitted but compelled me to read an unexpurgated Bible through before I was fifteen years old’.

There are some genuinely illuminating entries, as when he confesses that in every long work he has ever written the ‘tank ran dry’ halfway through. There are tender recollections of ‘Mrs Clemens’ on the anniversary of her death and nostalgic recollections about San Francisco when he reads in the newspapers accounts of the 1906 earthquake and catastrophic fire.

One sees a mind bubbling and hears a uniquely American voice. So, is the Mark Twain Project a worthy expenditure of time and money if this is its outcome? It is. But I do wish they would hurry up. If nothing else, I am keenly awaiting the apparatus criticus for 1601. To order this book for £13.95, see the Literary Review Bookshop on page 16

j ohn g r ay

Tribune of the People

George Orwell: English Rebel

By Robert Colls (Oxford University Press 356pp £25)

Noone would have been more surprised by the fame that George Orwell has achieved than the man himself. Not widely known until the last year of his life, he is the 20th-century writer who overshadows all others. His account of the Spanish Civil War is a revelation, not only of the nature of that conflict but of a type of savage, internecine, popular warfare that is instantly recognisable today. Animal Farm captured the experience of life under communism and was read avidly behind the Iron Curtain. Nor has Orwell’s work dated as the Cold War has faded from memory. With Edward Snowden announcing the approach of something like a surveillance state, sales of Nineteen Eighty-Four have spiked worldwide. No other author of the last century has Orwell’s universal reach. Yet this was a writer who spent much of his life reconciling himself to his own country, which he first despised, then admired and eventually came to love. While making a cult of Englishness, Orwell somehow turned himself into a global figure.

The author of Identity of England (2002), Robert Colls places the contradictions of

Orwell’s Englishness at the heart of this subtle, probing and refreshingly original new study. Orwell was a thoroughly political writer; at the same time, nothing like a theory of politics can be extracted from his work. As Colls puts it: ‘There is little in the way of a political trajectory in Orwell’s life. It is more a series of intense reactions to peoples and places as he came upon them.’ He had something in him of the English tradition of radical Toryism, which ‘never gave itself to consistent political philosophizing’, as Colls notes. But as an ‘angry old Etonian’ who did not go to Cambridge and become a member of the Apostles, but went instead to Burma and joined the military police, Eric Blair was never going to fit comfortably into any political category.

At times George Orwell (the publishing name he adopted in 1933) displayed almost clairvoyant insight. Reviewing Eugene Lyons’s forgotten masterpiece Assignment in Utopia in 1938, Orwell came nearer to grasping the nature of the Soviet system than an entire generation of Western intellectuals. As Edward Crankshaw, a historian of Russia, commented,

Orwell: taking the rocky path the account Orwell gave of the show trials and Stalinist foreign policy was ‘astonishingly right for that time’. Orwell could also be extremely silly. In April 1940, he wrote that if victory in the war ‘meant nothing beyond a new lease of life for British imperialism’ he would be inclined to ‘side with Russia and Germany’. In the autumn of 1940, he declared that the war would provoke a working-class revolution: ‘I dare say the London gutters will have to run with blood … when the Red Militias are billeted at The Ritz.’ And with all his sensitivity to cruelty and persecution, Orwell’s

Literary Review | o c t o b e r 2 0 1 3 6

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