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THE TABLET A Weekly Newspaper and Review. D u m VOBIS GRATULAM U R , AN IM O S ETIAM ADDIMUS UT IN INCCEPTIS VESTRIS CONSTANTER M ANEATIS. From the Brie/ o] H is Holiness to T he T ablet, June 4, 1870. V o l . 4 1 . N o . 1 7 1 1 . L o n d o n , J a n u a r y 2 5 , 1 8 7 3 . P r ic e sd. By P o st s tA [R eg iste r ed a t th e G en er a l P o st O f f ic e a s a N ew s pa p e r . C h r o n ic l e o f t h e W e e k : The Page Emperor’s Death and Fusion.— The .Attitude of the Orleanists.— Another View of it.— Future Policy of •tbe Bonapartists.— The French Govefnment and the Imperialists.—• 'The Committee of Thirty and the Constitution -Limits of President's Right of Speech.— The Education Debates. — Payment of the Indemnity.— Bavaria v. Prussia.—Comments of the “ North German Press.”— Judge v. Gerlach’s Election.— England and Russia.— England and Germany.— Contempt of Court.— The Hyde-park Prosecu­ tions.—The Trades Congress and Gas-Stokers.— The United States, Cuba, and San Domingo, &c. &c. 63 L e a d e r s : C O N T Page The Attitude o f Catholics towards the Liberal Party in England . 97 War to the Knife . . . - 9 7 Russia in Central Asia . . » 99 The Irish College in Paris . . 100 O ur P r o t e s t a n t Con tem po raries: German Persecution and English Sympathy.—The “ Daily News” on the Pope.—A Remarkable Sermon.—A United School Board . 101 R e v ie w s : My Clerical Friends and their Re­ lations to Modern Thought . 102 Etruscan Inscriptions Analyzed, Translated, and Commented upon 104 Bessie . . . . . . 105 E N T S . S h ort N o t ic e s : Sœur Eugenie.— Page Lé Patriarche Hassoun . . . 106 C orrespondence : The Pope and Bishops . . . 106 Tests of the True Church . . 106 Charter Schools in Ireland . . 106 The Catholic Union of Ireland . 107 “ Lives of the Irish Saints,” by Rev. John O ’Hanlon, M .R .I.A . 107 The Distress in South Wales . 107 The Native PontiHcal Soldiers . 107 Mission o f Barnet.— A Contradic­ tion ...... 107 R o m e ................................................. 109 R ecord of G erm an P ersecution, &c. : Laws against the Church . . 109 D io c e s a n N ew s : Page W estm in ster...................................... m Southwark . . . . . 1 1 1 B irm ingham ...................................... m Shrewsbury . . . . . h i Scotland— Western District . . 1 1 1 Scotland— Eastern District. . n r I r e l a n d : Letter from our Dublin Corre­ spondent ....................................1 12 M em oranda : Calholic Union : Sheffield Catholic Association. — Birmingham Catholic Reunion. —Meeting of the League of S. Sebastian . . 112 Politica l............................................ 117 Gen e r a l N ew s . . . . 117 CHRONICLE OF THE WEEK. .THE EMPEROR’S DEATH AND THE FUSION. A LTHOUGH the general sensation caused by the death of Napoleon has been less in France than anybody a few years ago could have thought it possible that it could be, the Imperialist party is by no means dead, nor does it show any symptoms of response to the invitations addressed to it from ■ either side, to ally itself to the legitimate Monarchy or the Republic. But the Emperor’s death ought to have one effect at least, it ought to suggest to the other Monarchical parties that now if ever is the moment to forget minor differences, and •come to a distinct agreement between themselves. On the Comte de Paris at least it has made this impression, for when General Guillemant said in the 14th Bureau that there were in France three Monarchies and three Republics, the Due de la RochefoucauldBisaccia was able to reply— “ as regards the existence of “ three Republics, I leave it to General Guillemant to sup“ port his assertion ; and I do not ask him to do so, but, as ■“ regards the three Monarchies, I will remind him that one “ has just been extinguished at Chislehurst, and as to the “ other, I will take the liberty of quoting what the Comte de ‘ Paris said to me at dinner the day before yesterday : “ 1There is now only oneMonarchy inFrance.’ ” These words have caused no little excitement and have been much commented on, but to say that they imply the accomplishment of the fusion would be an exaggeration. The Comte de Paris has been known to speak in this sense before, and it is not his individual feeling that is doubted, nor indeed is this kind of private declaration sufficient to put an end to what doubt there is. What is wanted is some public announcement or act, not only of the Comte de Paris but of the other princes and of their party, which will make it clear that they acknowledge the Comte de Chambord’s rights as paramount to their own. For the statements respecting the sentiments of the Comte de Paris are somewhat neutralized by the reports industriously circulated about those of the Due d ’Aumale, who is alleged to have expressed an opinion that, the elder branch being irremediably unpopular with the people, this blow to the Imperialist cause would be distinctly favourable to the Orleanists as the only other representatives of popular monarchy. I f he did not say so, these are the ideas currently attributed to him, and it is quite time that he and the other princes of his House should come forward and publicly disavow them. That the Legitimists hold aloof from the younger branch is entirely owing to the belief that these ideas are entertained, and the Union says :— “ Let the Comte de Paris (publicly) salute the King, and we will im -: “ mediately salute the heir to the Crown.” It seems incredible, supposing a Monarchy to be otherwise possible, that the ‘ ‘ flag” question can be allowed to remain a serious obstacle. France got on very well with the white flag during the reigns of Louis XVIII. and his successor, and the momentous difficulty might be at any rate postponed for the lifetime of Henri V., after which the next King might do as he pleased. The Orleanist organ, the Journal de Paris, THE maintains, indeed, that none of the Princes of - - - that pj-au,-]-! offer any obstacles to a fusion. orleanists. 11 The eldest of the Princes of the Royal House “ of France would, it says, be the natural repre“ sentative of the Monarchical idea, and under no circum“ stances would he have a competitor in his own family. “ These sentiments are entertained not only by the Comte “ de Paris, but by the Due d’Aumale and all the Princes of “ the House of Orleans.” What the Princes would say is that they are not pretenders to the Crown, but that they will cordially recognize the Monarchy as soon as it is established “ by the free-will of the nation, and on the basis of “ civil equality, political and religious liberty, and consti“ tutional guarantees.” It is well known, however, that the Comte de Chambord has more than once declared himself in favour of a Monarchy of this Constitutional character, and the Union, in reply to the Journal de Paris, quotes his manifestoes, proclaiming the desired guarantees, especially equality before the law, liberty of conscience, and universal suffrage. “ What then,” asks the Legitimist paper — “ the rights being admitted and the programme accepted “ — what is necessary to complete this union to which there “ is no obstacle ? It is for the Princes to reply,” If the Journal de Paris is right, it is hard indeed to see what motive they can still have for holding aloof from the Head of their House, unless it be a false amour-propre, or a fear of hostile criticism. A correspondent of the Gironde, however, a n o t h e r w]10 ¡s stated to be peculiarly well informed on ' ' the subject, gives another account of the Comte de Paris’s real sentiments. He is, says this writer, not a Pretender, because he represents an elective Monarchy and the country has not elected him, but he will not go to visit the Comte de Chambord, because to do so would be to disavow his grandfather and the principles in which he was educated by his mother, and to act the part ofDauphin— heir-presumptive the writer means, for the heirapparent only is the Dauphin— which •he will not do, “ having no direct pretensions to the Crown, and “ being only a simple citizen resigned beforehand to “ the will of the country.” Of course if he will never accept the Crown by succession, but only by N ew S e r i e s . V o l , IX . No. 220.

THE TABLET

A Weekly Newspaper and Review.

D u m VOBIS GRATULAM U R , AN IM O S ETIAM ADDIMUS UT IN INCCEPTIS VESTRIS CONSTANTER M ANEATIS.

From the Brie/ o] H is Holiness to T he T ablet, June 4, 1870.

V o l . 4 1 . N o . 1 7 1 1 . L o n d o n , J a n u a r y 2 5 , 1 8 7 3 .

P r ic e sd. By P o st s tA

[R eg iste r ed a t th e G en er a l P o st O f f ic e a s a N ew s pa p e r .

C h r o n ic l e o f t h e W e e k : The

Page

Emperor’s Death and Fusion.— The .Attitude of the Orleanists.— Another View of it.— Future Policy of •tbe Bonapartists.— The French Govefnment and the Imperialists.—• 'The Committee of Thirty and the Constitution -Limits of President's Right of Speech.— The Education Debates. — Payment of the Indemnity.— Bavaria v. Prussia.—Comments of the “ North German Press.”— Judge v. Gerlach’s Election.— England and Russia.— England and Germany.— Contempt of Court.— The Hyde-park Prosecu­

tions.—The Trades Congress and Gas-Stokers.— The United States, Cuba, and San Domingo, &c. &c. 63

L e a d e r s :

C O N T

Page

The Attitude o f Catholics towards the Liberal Party in England . 97 War to the Knife . . . - 9 7 Russia in Central Asia . . » 99 The Irish College in Paris . . 100 O ur P r o t e s t a n t Con tem po raries:

German Persecution and English Sympathy.—The “ Daily News” on the Pope.—A Remarkable Sermon.—A United School Board . 101 R e v ie w s :

My Clerical Friends and their Re­

lations to Modern Thought . 102 Etruscan Inscriptions Analyzed,

Translated, and Commented upon 104 Bessie . . . . . . 105

E N T S .

S h ort N o t ic e s : Sœur Eugenie.—

Page

Lé Patriarche Hassoun . . . 106 C orrespondence :

The Pope and Bishops . . . 106 Tests of the True Church . . 106 Charter Schools in Ireland . . 106 The Catholic Union of Ireland . 107 “ Lives of the Irish Saints,” by

Rev. John O ’Hanlon, M .R .I.A . 107 The Distress in South Wales . 107 The Native PontiHcal Soldiers . 107 Mission o f Barnet.— A Contradic­

tion ...... 107 R o m e ................................................. 109 R ecord of G erm an P ersecution,

&c. :

Laws against the Church . . 109

D io c e s a n N ew s :

Page

W estm in ster...................................... m Southwark . . . . . 1 1 1 B irm ingham ...................................... m Shrewsbury . . . . . h i Scotland— Western District . . 1 1 1 Scotland— Eastern District. . n r I r e l a n d :

Letter from our Dublin Corre­

spondent ....................................1 12 M em oranda :

Calholic Union : Sheffield Catholic

Association. — Birmingham Catholic Reunion. —Meeting of the League of S. Sebastian . . 112 Politica l............................................ 117 Gen e r a l N ew s . . . . 117

CHRONICLE OF THE WEEK.

.THE EMPEROR’S DEATH AND THE FUSION. A

LTHOUGH the general sensation caused by the death of Napoleon has been less in France than anybody a few years ago could have thought it possible that it could be, the Imperialist party is by no means dead, nor does it show any symptoms of response to the invitations addressed to it from ■ either side, to ally itself to the legitimate Monarchy or the Republic. But the Emperor’s death ought to have one effect at least, it ought to suggest to the other Monarchical parties that now if ever is the moment to forget minor differences, and •come to a distinct agreement between themselves. On the Comte de Paris at least it has made this impression, for when General Guillemant said in the 14th Bureau that there were in France three Monarchies and three Republics, the Due de la RochefoucauldBisaccia was able to reply— “ as regards the existence of “ three Republics, I leave it to General Guillemant to sup“ port his assertion ; and I do not ask him to do so, but, as ■“ regards the three Monarchies, I will remind him that one “ has just been extinguished at Chislehurst, and as to the “ other, I will take the liberty of quoting what the Comte de ‘ Paris said to me at dinner the day before yesterday : “ 1There is now only oneMonarchy inFrance.’ ” These words have caused no little excitement and have been much commented on, but to say that they imply the accomplishment of the fusion would be an exaggeration. The Comte de Paris has been known to speak in this sense before, and it is not his individual feeling that is doubted, nor indeed is this kind of private declaration sufficient to put an end to what doubt there is. What is wanted is some public announcement or act, not only of the Comte de Paris but of the other princes and of their party, which will make it clear that they acknowledge the Comte de Chambord’s rights as paramount to their own. For the statements respecting the sentiments of the Comte de Paris are somewhat neutralized by the reports industriously circulated about those of the Due d ’Aumale, who is alleged to have expressed an opinion that, the elder branch being irremediably unpopular with the people, this blow to the Imperialist cause would be distinctly favourable to the Orleanists as the only other representatives of popular monarchy. I f he did not say so, these are the ideas currently attributed to him, and it is quite time that he and the other princes of his House should come forward and publicly disavow them. That the Legitimists hold aloof from the younger branch is entirely owing to the belief that these ideas are entertained, and the Union says :— “ Let the Comte de Paris (publicly) salute the King, and we will im -:

“ mediately salute the heir to the Crown.” It seems incredible, supposing a Monarchy to be otherwise possible, that the ‘ ‘ flag” question can be allowed to remain a serious obstacle. France got on very well with the white flag during the reigns of Louis XVIII. and his successor, and the momentous difficulty might be at any rate postponed for the lifetime of Henri V., after which the next King might do as he pleased.

The Orleanist organ, the Journal de Paris, THE maintains, indeed, that none of the Princes of - - - that pj-au,-]-! offer any obstacles to a fusion. orleanists. 11 The eldest of the Princes of the Royal House

“ of France would, it says, be the natural repre“ sentative of the Monarchical idea, and under no circum“ stances would he have a competitor in his own family. “ These sentiments are entertained not only by the Comte “ de Paris, but by the Due d’Aumale and all the Princes of “ the House of Orleans.” What the Princes would say is that they are not pretenders to the Crown, but that they will cordially recognize the Monarchy as soon as it is established “ by the free-will of the nation, and on the basis of “ civil equality, political and religious liberty, and consti“ tutional guarantees.” It is well known, however, that the Comte de Chambord has more than once declared himself in favour of a Monarchy of this Constitutional character, and the Union, in reply to the Journal de Paris, quotes his manifestoes, proclaiming the desired guarantees, especially equality before the law, liberty of conscience, and universal suffrage. “ What then,” asks the Legitimist paper — “ the rights being admitted and the programme accepted “ — what is necessary to complete this union to which there “ is no obstacle ? It is for the Princes to reply,” If the Journal de Paris is right, it is hard indeed to see what motive they can still have for holding aloof from the Head of their House, unless it be a false amour-propre, or a fear of hostile criticism.

A correspondent of the Gironde, however,

a n o t h e r w]10 ¡s stated to be peculiarly well informed on

' ' the subject, gives another account of the Comte de Paris’s real sentiments. He is, says this writer, not a Pretender, because he represents an elective Monarchy and the country has not elected him, but he will not go to visit the Comte de Chambord, because to do so would be to disavow his grandfather and the principles in which he was educated by his mother, and to act the part ofDauphin— heir-presumptive the writer means, for the heirapparent only is the Dauphin— which •he will not do, “ having no direct pretensions to the Crown, and “ being only a simple citizen resigned beforehand to “ the will of the country.” Of course if he will never accept the Crown by succession, but only by

N ew S e r i e s . V o l , IX . No. 220.

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