THE TABLET

A IVeekly Newspaper and Review

D u m v o b i s g r a t u l a m u r , a n i m o s e t i a m a d d i m u s u t i n i n c c e p t i s v e s t r i s c o n s t a n t e r m a n e a t i s .

From the Brie-] o{ H is Holiness to T h e T a b l e t , June 4, 1870.

Vol. 48, No. 1911. L o n d o n , N o v e m b e r 25, 1876.

P r ic e sd . By P o s t s lA &

[ R e g i s t e r e d a t t h e G e n e r a l P o s t O f f i c e a s a N e w s p a p e r

C h r o n i c l e o f t h e W e e k :—

Page

The Tsar’s Statement of his Cas§. — The Relations between England and Russia.— Observations of the British Ambassador and Reply of Lord Derby,—The Value of the Russian Assurances.— Acceptance ■ of the Conference,— The Russian Terms.— Preparations for War.— Attitude o f the Hungarians.— Russia and Poland.— The Presidential Election.— The Italian Royal Speech.— The late Duke of Saldanha.— The Egyptian ExMinister o f Finance . . . . 673

C 0 N T

Page

L e a d e r s :

England and Russia at the Con­

ference .. . . •• •• 677 The American Presidency . . 677 The Irish University Question .. 678 Irish Criminal, Judicial, and

Social S ta t is t ic s ........................... 679 Russia and Turkey.— V II. .. 680 The Exiled Polish Priests . . 681 Was the Tsar Alexander I. a

Catholic? . . .. •. •• 681 P ic t u r e s :

The French Gallery . . . . 682 C hurch M usic .............................. 682 R e v i e w s :

The “ Month ” for November . . 683 Contemporary Review . . . . 683 G o l d .................................................. 684

E N T S .

S h o r t N o t i c e s :

Page

The Catholic Calendar . . . .6 8 5 Catholic Sheet Almanack.. .. 685 Elementary Education and the

P. S. C ................... .. .. 685 Captain Nares’ Official Report . . 685 Sacred Heroes and Martyrs .. 685 Ave Maria .. .. . . . . 685 Literary, Artistic, & Scientific Gossip 685 C o r r e s p o n d e n c e : . . 686

Evolution . . . . .. . . 686 Spirit Rapping and the Devil .. 686 The Irish Education Question .. 686 M . Keller and General Cialdini.. 686 The Work of the Abbé Gay .. 687 “ The Life o f Myles Pinkney”

(alias Thomas Carre), by “ E. J .” 687 Catholic Church, Stourbridge . . 687 The Emperor Alexander I. . . 687

R om e :— Letter from our own Correspondent ......................... 689 D io c e s a n N ew s :— Westminster.. . . .. 690

Southwark . . . . . . . . 6 9 1 Clifton . . . . .. .. 6gi Northampton . . . . . .6 9 1 Salford . . .. . . . . 691 Shrewsbury . . .. .. . .6 9 1 Scotland— Eastern District . . 692 I r e l a n d

Letter from our Dublin Corre­

spondent . . . . . . . . 692 F o r e ig n N e w s ;—

Germany . . . . . . 693 M e m o r a n d a :—

Educational . . . . . . , . 694 G e n e r a l N ew s ......................... 694

CHRONICLE OF THE WEEK.

THE TSAR'S STATEMENT •OF HIS CASE. T that believe, that a papers on the

HE London Gazette of Tuesday pub­

lishes some most important despatches on the Eastern question down to very day’s date— the first time, we despatch was made known to the very day on which it was written.

Ministers, therefore, cannot be accused of not keeping the public well posted up in the latest news respecting the negotiations. But by far the most important of these despatches is one— sent by telegraph— from Lord Augustus Loftus, dated the 2nd of November, from Yalta, and giving an account of a conversation which he had had on that day with the Emperor of Russia, at Livadia. After explaining that his motive in ordering the presentation of the ultimatum— an order which surprised no one more than General Xgnatieff— was his fear that the complete discomfiture of the Servian army might be followed by fresh atrocities, and after expressing his wish that the Conference should meet without delay, and that the ambassadors of the Powers should be instructed at once to deliberate on the necessary preliminaries of peace, taking as the basis Lord Derby’s proposals, the Emperor entered “ with great calmness and lucidity ” on a retrospective view of the past negotiations. He had assented, he said, to Lord Derby’s first demand for an armistice of six weeks, and, though he considered the refusal of the Porte as a slap in the face (“ un soufflet ”) to the Powers, he submitted out of a wish not to separate from the European concert. To the proposals next made by England as a basis for peace he had also assented, and these also were evaded by the Porte. But when the demand again made by England, and simultaneously by Russia, for an armistice of not less than a month was met by an inacceptable counter-proposal for an armistice of five months, the Emperor said that “ if Europe was willing to receive “ these repeated rebuffs from the Porte,” to do so would no longer be “ consistent either with the honour, the dignity, “ or the interests of Russia.” He was still “ anxious not to “ separate from the European concert, but the present state “ of things was intolerable,” and “ unless Europe was pre“ pared to act with firmness and energy he should be “ obliged to act alone.”

THE RELA­

TIONS BETWEEN ENOLAND AND RUSSIA.

The Emperor then proceeded to speak of the relations of Russia with England. He “ regretted to see that there still existed in “ England an inveterate suspicion of Russian policy, and a continual fear of Russian aggres“ sion and conquest.” He had, he said, repeatedly given assurances that he “ desired no con

H k w Series, V ol. XVI. No. 420.

“ quest,” and had not the smallest wish or in“ tention to be possessed of Constantinople. All that “ had been said or written about a will of Peter the “ Great and the aims of Catherine II. were illusions and “ phantoms ; they never existed in reality,and he considered “ that the acquisition of Constantinople would be a mis“ fortune for Russia.” There was no question of it, and there never had been any ; nor did the Emperor Nicholas desire it, as was proved in 1828 “ when his victorious army “ was within four days’ march from Constantinople.” Further, he now “ pledged his sacred word of honour in the “ most earnest and solemn manner that he had no intention “ of acquiring Constantinople, and that if necessity should “ oblige him to occupy a portion of Bulgaria, it would only “ be provisionally, and until peace and the safety of the “ Christian population were secured.” England, he thought, ought to have been reassured by the proposal he had addressed to our Government for the occupation of Bosnia by Austria, of Bulgaria by Russia, and of a naval demonstration at Constantinople, where our fleet “ would have been “ the dominant power.” The Emperor could not understand why, when the two countries “ had a common object,” and he had “ given every proof that he had no desire for “ conquest or aggrandisement,” there should not be a perfect understanding between England and Russia. AVith regard to a future conquest of India, he said, “ it is a perfect impossi“ bility,” and with regard to the possession of Constantinople, “ I repeat again the most solemn assurances that I entertain “ neither the wish nor the intention.” These “ solemn assu“ ranees” the Emperor requested Lord Augustus to convey to her Majesty’s Government, and earnestly requested him “ to do his utmost to dispel this cloud of suspicion and dis“ trust of Russia,” which he so “ deeply deplored.” That there might be no mistake about the exactitude of this report of the Emperor’s words, Lord Augustus Loftus, before sending his despatch, read a copy of it to Prince Gortschakow, and at his request left it with him to be shown to the Emperor. On returning it, the Prince suggested only one alteration. The original text stated that Russia had proposed that Austria should occupy Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Prince Gortschakow explained that the proposal was that she should occupy Bosnia only, in order that a neutral zone might be left between the Austrian and Russian armies— a correction which Lord Augustus observes is “ interesting,” as he had always been under the impression that it was proposed that Austria should occupy both provinces. Subsequently Lord Derby informs Lord A. Loftus, on Tuesday, the 21st, that the Russian Ambassador has called on him with a request from his Government that the report of this conversation should be made public, “ as it contained assurances which “ were of a nature to tranquillise public feeling.”