THE TABLET

A IVeekly Newspaper and Review

D u m VO B IS G R A T U L AM U R , A N IM O S ET IAM ADDIM U S U T IN IN CCEPTIS V E S TR IS CON S TAN TER M AN E A T IS .

From the Brief of H is Holiness to T he T ablet, Junt 4, 1870.

Vol. 48. No. 1913. L o n d o n , D e c e m b e r 9, 1876.

Price sd. By Post 5

[Registered at the General Post Office as a Newspaper

C hronicle of the Wf.e k :—

Page

Prince Bismarck’s First Speech. — Prince Bismarck’s Second Speech.— The Greeks and the Slavs.— The Russians on the P ru lh — The “ National Conference ” and Mr. Bright.— The -Crisis in France.— Resignation of the Ministry.— Subsequent Details.— The Presidential Election. — President Grant’s Message.— The Vote on the Religious Question in Spain.— French Catholic ITniversities.—Cardinal Antonelli’s Will.— The late Lord-Lieutenant o f Ireland.— Authors and Reviewers.— Criticisms of Reviews. — The German War and the French Clergy . . . . . . 737

CONTENTS.

Page

Leaders:

Prince Bismarck’s Explanations 741 The London School Board E lec­

tions .......................... •• 74i The Irish University Question . . 742 The Ministerial Crisis in France 743 Russia and Turkey.— IX ............... 744 Fete of St. Martin at Tours .. 745 Church Music .................... 746 Reviews :

Women in the Olden Time . . 746 The “ Month” for December . . 748 Short Notices :

Italy, from the Alps to Mount

Etna .. .. . . •• 748 My Godmother’s Stories .. . . 748 Eason’s Almanac . . . . . . 748 Magazines for December .. . . 748

Correspondence :

Page

School Board Election .. .. 749 The Marylebone School Board

Election . . .. .. . . 749 London School Board . . . . 749 Third Order of St. Francis .. 750 Dr. Littledale . . .. .. 750 Redemptorist _“ Perpetual Mis­

sion ” in Paris .. . . . . 750 A Personal Explanation . . . . 750 The Church in the Fens . . . . 750 An A p p e a l .................................... 7^0 An Impostor.. .. .. . . 751 The Alleged Detention o f an

Orphan Girl in a Convent . . 751 Rome :— Letter from our own Cor­

respondent . . . . . . 753

Page

D iocesan News :— Westminster.. . . . . . . 754

Southwark . . . . . . . . 755 Birmingham . . . . . . . . 755 Clifton . . . . . . . . 755 Liverpool . . . . .. . . 757 Newport and Menevia .. . . 757 Plymouth . . . . . . .. 757 Salford .......................................757 Ireland

Letter from our Dublin Corre­

spondent .......................................758 Foreign News

Germany .......................................758 General News .. , .. .. 759

CHRONICLE OF THE WEEK.

PRINCE Bism a r c k ’s f ir s t SPEECH. E VERYBODY seems to have pretty well made up his mind that war between Russia and Turkey is inevitable, so hopelessly irreconcilable are the views of those two Powers on the subject of the guarantees. But the chances in favour of peace outside that struggle seemed to be increased by declarations which Prince Bismarck has thought fit to make. At a Parliamentary dinner on the ist the Chancellor made a speech, in which, though he declared that the Russo-Turkish war seemed unavoidable, he also said enough respecting the intentions of Germany to warn off Russia from entering on enterprises beyond the range of her avowed demands. England, Prince Bismarck hoped, would be neutral, and if she wishes to place a check in the way of Russian aggression, she has only, as he observes with some humour, to adopt u the Servian system,” and let her officers and soldiers volunteer into the service of Turkey. Germany will also be neutral, but she will not allow Austria to be a victim. If that Empire is drawn into the conflict, and the result of the struggle should be such that Austria is likely to be materially injured, Germany will come to her assistance. The German Chancellor had at last spoken out what everybody knew must have been in his mind, namely, that in spite of all the ties which bind together the Courts of Berlin and St. Petersburg, Germany cannot afford to allow Russia to aggrandise herself at the expense of Austria, or to let the Danube be virtually converted into a Russian stream. And it is clear that the German Government does not intend actively to back up Russia in an aggressive policy. It appears that some rapprochement towards England was to be traced in Prince Bismarck’s words. The maintenance of a good understanding between the three Imperial Courts was still affirmed, but nothing was said about the “alliance” of the Emperors, still less about an alliance with Russia, and the Chancellor went out of his way to explain that the allusion in the speech from the Throne to nations “ connected with Germany by ties of “ friendship and history ” was intended to include England as well as Russia and Austria. I f Lord Salisbury’s visit to Berlin has succeeded in establishing a clearer understanding between England and Germany as to what they will or will not permit, it will have been productive of the greatest advantage. And we had thus reason to expect that Germany would not permit the realisation of projects dangerous to the peace of Austria, her nearest neighbour and her makeweight against the preponderance of Russia.

But the Prince Chancellor has since made a bismvtrck’s second speech, evidently intended as a correc-

second tive to commentaries on the first. This was in sp e e ch . the Reichstag, in reply to an interpellation re-

N ew Series, V ol. X V I . No. 422.

specting the Russian frontier duties, which are injurious to German trade, and have just been aggravated by a ukase requiring that they shall be paid in gold. Perhaps Prince Bismarck thought that he had spoken a little too freely at the Parliamentary dinner; at ail events he was now much more guarded, and more careful to dwell on his cordial understanding with Russia, and he spoke, moreover, with considerable asperity. Germany, he said, was not in a position to ask commercial concessions from Russia, because Russia on her part was not asking from Germany any great compliances or services, as many people imagined. This was not at all the case. Russia in no way intended the conquest of new provinces ; they had the Emperor Alexander’s solemn assurances to that effect. As yet there was no war, and they were about to join in a peaceful Conference, where the ends of Germany were the same as those of Russia— namely, to devise means for the better Government of the Christians in Turkey, and for their protection against the repetition of “ Bulgarian “ atrocities.” In the pursuance of this object “ all j “ Christian Powers ” were agreed, and, in fact, added the Prince with a grim irony, it was “ a sort of K u ltu r “ kampf.” It was, however, possible that the Powers might not agree, or that, when they had agreed the Porte might not consent to their proposals. But presently came the more important parts of the speech. The present interpellation, the Chancellor said, reminded him of the time of the Polish insurrection, when people tried to disunite Germany from Russia by looking for interference on behalf of the Poles. There were no doubt, he said, persons who were anti-Russian by tradition, inheritance, custom, or religious sympathies. But they need not trouble themselves. So long as he and the present Government remained in office, the relations of Germany to Russia would remain the same, and “ to disturb them,” he added, turning to the deputy who had put the question, “ needs a stronger man than you “ are.” In the name of the Government and of the Emperor himself, he declared that “ the alliance of the three “ Imperial Powers existed in its full strength,” and the relations between Russia and Austria were “ free from all gloom.” But it would, he said, be a great mistake to suppose that because the three Imperial Powers were agreed “ a point “ was directed ” against England. “ With England, as with “ Russia, we have the traditions of a hundred years’ friend“ ship, which has not been darkened by an occasional press “ war instigated solely by some English newspapers, and the “ manifold common interests of England and Germany “ warrant us inexpectingan understanding in the future also.” But why should we, asked the Chancellor, by leaving too much to the one Power, disturb our friendly relations with the other ? The strict neutrality of Germany would enable her either to prevent the war, orto localise it, and by friendly