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THE TABLET A W eekly Newspaper and Review. D um V O B IS G R A T U L AM U R , A N IM O S E T IA M ADD IM U S U T IN IN CCEPTIS V E S T R IS C O N S TAN TER M A N E A T IS , From the Brief of H is Holiness to T h e T a b l e t , June 4, 1870. Vol. 50. No. i960. London, November 3, 1877. P r ice 5d. B y P ost s & d [R e g is t e r ed a t th e G e n e r a l P o st O f f ic e a s a N ew spaper Page C h ronicle o f t h e We e k :— Compromise or Conflict ?—The Orleans Princes and the Republic. — The Constitutionalist Senators.— The Second Ballots. — The Battle of Ivan Tchefflik. — The Capture of Dubnik.— The Campaign in Asia.— F. Citrc'i and Church and State in Italy.— The “ Tim es” and the Cardinals.— Mr. Gladstone on the Franchise. —Bishop Ellicott on the Anglican Clergy.— The Lord Chief Baron and the Ridsdale Judgment.— The Penge Convicts.— The Confiscation of Church Revenus in Prussia.— TheClifden Indemnity. Fund .. 545 CONTENTS. Page L ea d e r s : The Republic and the Dynasties 549 The Roman Special Correspon­ dence of the “ Times ” .. Provincial Administration and 549 Ministerial Responsibility in Prussia.. Connaught . . . . •; The Late Archbishop Zwijsen .. A r t ; The French Gallery .. 550 •• 551 .. 552 •• 553 R ev iew s : The Life of the Duchesse de D o u d e a u v i l l e ......................... 554 Maud Leslie . . •• •• 55^ Dr. Crolly “ De Justitia et Jure” . . . . •• •• 556 S hort N otices : Page A Defence of Russia . . . . 557 History Primer .. . . .*557 Month of the Souls in Purgatory 557 C orrespondence : Connemara. — Its Claims upon English Catholics . . . . 557 A ll Souls, Peterborough . . . . 557 Portsmouth New Church .. 557 Vestments .. .. . . . . 557 Professor Bain and the Law of Honour . . ......................... 557 Germany 558 A War Correspondent’s Experiences in T u r k e y .................................... 559 Page R ome :— Letter from our own Cor­ respondent ............................561 D io ce san N ews Westminster.. . . . . . . 562 Southwark . . 564. Hexham and Newcastle . . . . 564 Liverpool . . . . . . .. 564 Nottingham.. ............................565 Salford ....................................... 565 I r e lan d : Letter from our own Corre­ spondent . . ^ 566 G en er a l N ews . . . . . . 567 CHRONICLE OF THE WEEK. \ NOT unnatural reaction against the ■c o m p r o m i s e j \ gloomy foiebodings of conflict bec o n f u c t ? ^ tween the French Chamber of De­ puties and the Executive has filled the air with rumours of a compromise. We cannot think, however, that there is really much chance of so desirable an exit from the present difficulty. Even if the Marshal were to consent to abandon his present Ministry— and there is some reason to believe that he considers it a point of honour to stand by them— the majority will come to the Chamber so eager to make their power felt, and so indignant against all connected with the act of the 16th of May, that it will be as much as they can do to keep their hands off the Marshal himself, and they loudly profess their resolution to tolerate no new Ministry every member of which is not a genuine Republican, and which does not pledge itself, as the very first of its acts, to dismiss all the prefects and other administrative officers nominated by M. de Fourtou, and stained, as they assert, with every kind of fraud and oppression in the manipulation of the recent election. If it had not been for such proceedings M. Gambetta still insists that his prophecy of the return of 400 Republicans would have been fulfilled. He charged the Government officials in the speech which he delivered last week with unheard of fraud and intimidation in the Vaucluse, and fraud and corruption in the Pas de Calais and the Nord, and declared that during the three days which preceded the election more high-handed interference had been practised than during the twenty years of the Empire. There is no doubt a great deal of exaggeration in these charges, but they serve to show the temper in which the Opposition majority will come back to Versailles. And when the fight over the elections has once begun, we may be sure that the feelings of parties will be still further exasperated. It is hard to see what the Marshal can do. The plan of a personal appeal to the people suggested by the Constitutionnel is rejected by everybody as exceeding the President’s power, and as being in itself equivalent to a cotip d'etat. And the idea of a conciliation Ministry, and of anything like concession, is repudiated by the more authorised Ministerial journals, who promise, somewhat enigmatically, a perseverance in the policy of resistance. Of what nature that resistance is to be is to us, we confess, not very clear. It is positively asserted by the Opposition papers that the Ministry will resign on Sunday or Monday, and that a more colourless Conservative Cabinet will be appointed. The last announcement made by the Français is that the Mar New S e r i e s , Vol. XVIII. No. 469. shal is as determined as ever to resist Radicalism ; but that some difference of opinion may exist among his advisers as to the means to be adopted to that end. Some think that the present Ministers ought to meet Parliament, and the Frdngais is of this opinion; others think that a new Ministry, equally Conservative, but not responsible for the recent struggle, and independent of parties, strictly so termed, and which would occupy itself only with business, would serve to put the Chamber manifestly in the wrong if it resorted to revolutionary measures. It should be added that M. Grevy is reported to have disclaimed all intention of allowing himself to be put forward as a candidate for the Presidency in a sense hostile to the Marshal, though, if the Marshal voluntarily resigned, he would not refuse the post. THK ORLEANS PRINCES AND THE REPUBLIC. The Soleil, which has the credit of being the organ of the Orleans Princes, made on Tuesday the following remarkable declaration. “ Our preference, which we have never concealed, and have no reason to conceal now, is for Constitutional Monarchy. In short, we are at heart Royalists and Parliamentarians. Before being Royalists, however, we are Frenchmen. We will never be among those who get up crises, catastrophes, and adventures, in the hope of fishing in troubled waters............. We still firmly believe in the future of Constitutional Monarchy, but we believe in it because we think France will spontaneously return to it. . . . To-day the country is manifestly for the Republic. We should hold ourselves culpable towards it if we took part in a policy of obstinate resistance to the legal expression of its present opinion. . . . Be the country wrong or right, it certainly desires the Republic. The Republic should be given it, and given it without subterfuges.” The Soleil goes on to say that the Republic will of course be an experiment, and that whether it succeed or not must depend on the conduct of the Republicans. If it should, that “ would be the ruin of our Royalist preferences ; but the moment the Republic gave us, in return, the spectacle of national greatness and public tranquillity, we should discover in our patriotism sentiments of a wise resignation. Under the Republic, as under the Monarchy, we remain Parliamentarians. We shall.be asked, perhaps, why, being such, we adhered during the electoral struggle to the policy of the Marshal and the course adopted by the Ministry. From the 16th of May to the 14th of October we gave proof of devotion and discipline ; but the majority of the country had not yet pronounced itself. Now that it has spoken we are bound to respect its will.” If these are really the sentiments of the Orleanist Princes as well as of the Orleanist organ, they may at all events claim the credit of patriotic disinterestedness.

THE TABLET

A W eekly Newspaper and Review.

D um V O B IS G R A T U L AM U R , A N IM O S E T IA M ADD IM U S U T IN IN CCEPTIS V E S T R IS C O N S TAN TER M A N E A T IS ,

From the Brief of H is Holiness to T h e T a b l e t , June 4, 1870.

Vol. 50. No. i960. London, November 3, 1877.

P r ice 5d. B y P ost s & d

[R e g is t e r ed a t th e G e n e r a l P o st O f f ic e a s a N ew spaper

Page

C h ronicle o f t h e We e k :—

Compromise or Conflict ?—The Orleans Princes and the Republic. — The Constitutionalist Senators.— The Second Ballots. — The Battle of Ivan Tchefflik. — The Capture of Dubnik.— The Campaign in Asia.— F. Citrc'i and Church and State in Italy.— The “ Tim es” and the Cardinals.— Mr. Gladstone on the Franchise. —Bishop Ellicott on the Anglican Clergy.— The Lord Chief Baron and the Ridsdale Judgment.— The Penge Convicts.— The Confiscation of Church Revenus in Prussia.— TheClifden Indemnity. Fund ..

545

CONTENTS.

Page

L ea d e r s :

The Republic and the Dynasties 549 The Roman Special Correspon­

dence of the “ Times ” .. Provincial Administration and

549

Ministerial Responsibility in Prussia.. Connaught . . . . •; The Late Archbishop Zwijsen .. A r t ;

The French Gallery

.. 550 •• 551 .. 552 •• 553

R ev iew s :

The Life of the Duchesse de

D o u d e a u v i l l e ......................... 554 Maud Leslie . . •• •• 55^ Dr. Crolly “ De Justitia et

Jure” . . . . •• •• 556

S hort N otices :

Page

A Defence of Russia . . . . 557 History Primer .. . . .*557 Month of the Souls in Purgatory 557 C orrespondence :

Connemara. — Its Claims upon

English Catholics . . . . 557 A ll Souls, Peterborough . . . . 557 Portsmouth New Church .. 557 Vestments .. .. . . . . 557 Professor Bain and the Law of

Honour . . ......................... 557 Germany 558 A War Correspondent’s Experiences in T u r k e y .................................... 559

Page

R ome :— Letter from our own Cor­

respondent ............................561 D io ce san N ews

Westminster.. . . . . . . 562 Southwark . . 564. Hexham and Newcastle . . . . 564 Liverpool . . . . . . .. 564 Nottingham.. ............................565 Salford ....................................... 565 I r e lan d :

Letter from our own Corre­

spondent . .

^ 566

G en er a l N ews . . . . . . 567

CHRONICLE OF THE WEEK.

\ NOT unnatural reaction against the

■c o m p r o m i s e j \ gloomy foiebodings of conflict bec o n f u c t ? ^ tween the French Chamber of De­

puties and the Executive has filled the air with rumours of a compromise. We cannot think, however, that there is really much chance of so desirable an exit from the present difficulty. Even if the Marshal were to consent to abandon his present Ministry— and there is some reason to believe that he considers it a point of honour to stand by them— the majority will come to the Chamber so eager to make their power felt, and so indignant against all connected with the act of the 16th of May, that it will be as much as they can do to keep their hands off the Marshal himself, and they loudly profess their resolution to tolerate no new Ministry every member of which is not a genuine Republican, and which does not pledge itself, as the very first of its acts, to dismiss all the prefects and other administrative officers nominated by M. de Fourtou, and stained, as they assert, with every kind of fraud and oppression in the manipulation of the recent election. If it had not been for such proceedings M. Gambetta still insists that his prophecy of the return of 400 Republicans would have been fulfilled. He charged the Government officials in the speech which he delivered last week with unheard of fraud and intimidation in the Vaucluse, and fraud and corruption in the Pas de Calais and the Nord, and declared that during the three days which preceded the election more high-handed interference had been practised than during the twenty years of the Empire. There is no doubt a great deal of exaggeration in these charges, but they serve to show the temper in which the Opposition majority will come back to Versailles. And when the fight over the elections has once begun, we may be sure that the feelings of parties will be still further exasperated. It is hard to see what the Marshal can do. The plan of a personal appeal to the people suggested by the Constitutionnel is rejected by everybody as exceeding the President’s power, and as being in itself equivalent to a cotip d'etat. And the idea of a conciliation Ministry, and of anything like concession, is repudiated by the more authorised Ministerial journals, who promise, somewhat enigmatically, a perseverance in the policy of resistance. Of what nature that resistance is to be is to us, we confess, not very clear. It is positively asserted by the Opposition papers that the Ministry will resign on Sunday or Monday, and that a more colourless Conservative Cabinet will be appointed. The last announcement made by the Français is that the Mar

New S e r i e s , Vol. XVIII. No. 469.

shal is as determined as ever to resist Radicalism ; but that some difference of opinion may exist among his advisers as to the means to be adopted to that end. Some think that the present Ministers ought to meet Parliament, and the Frdngais is of this opinion; others think that a new Ministry, equally Conservative, but not responsible for the recent struggle, and independent of parties, strictly so termed, and which would occupy itself only with business, would serve to put the Chamber manifestly in the wrong if it resorted to revolutionary measures. It should be added that M. Grevy is reported to have disclaimed all intention of allowing himself to be put forward as a candidate for the Presidency in a sense hostile to the Marshal, though, if the Marshal voluntarily resigned, he would not refuse the post.

THK ORLEANS

PRINCES AND THE REPUBLIC.

The Soleil, which has the credit of being the organ of the Orleans Princes, made on Tuesday the following remarkable declaration. “ Our preference, which we have never concealed, and have no reason to conceal now, is for Constitutional Monarchy. In short, we are at heart Royalists and Parliamentarians. Before being Royalists, however, we are Frenchmen. We will never be among those who get up crises, catastrophes, and adventures, in the hope of fishing in troubled waters............. We still firmly believe in the future of Constitutional Monarchy, but we believe in it because we think France will spontaneously return to it. . . . To-day the country is manifestly for the Republic. We should hold ourselves culpable towards it if we took part in a policy of obstinate resistance to the legal expression of its present opinion. . . . Be the country wrong or right, it certainly desires the Republic. The Republic should be given it, and given it without subterfuges.” The Soleil goes on to say that the Republic will of course be an experiment, and that whether it succeed or not must depend on the conduct of the Republicans. If it should, that “ would be the ruin of our Royalist preferences ; but the moment the Republic gave us, in return, the spectacle of national greatness and public tranquillity, we should discover in our patriotism sentiments of a wise resignation. Under the Republic, as under the Monarchy, we remain Parliamentarians. We shall.be asked, perhaps, why, being such, we adhered during the electoral struggle to the policy of the Marshal and the course adopted by the Ministry. From the 16th of May to the 14th of October we gave proof of devotion and discipline ; but the majority of the country had not yet pronounced itself. Now that it has spoken we are bound to respect its will.” If these are really the sentiments of the Orleanist Princes as well as of the Orleanist organ, they may at all events claim the credit of patriotic disinterestedness.

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