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dates or the sequence of events, thereby falsifying their meaning. In both cases, the falsifications and inventions are cited by one denier and then another in a merry-­go-­round of tautological legitimation. Sometimes the denial is expressed tentatively, yet it is no less dangerous. I have described this form of denial as the “yes-­but” syndrome: Yes, of course there was a Holocaust, but I’ve heard that gas chambers were impossible. Yes, Trump may have lost, but the election was not fair. There is a parallel between the “methodology”of these two types of denial – though, I stress, certainly not between the events themselves. For the deniers to believe their version they must ignore reams of documentation and evidence, and countless witnesses. To return to January 6th, one thing that captured people’s attention were the displays of overt antisemitism.* Some of the insurrectionists wore “Camp Auschwitz” apparel. At least one had “Staff ” printed on the back of his shirt. Another had been previously photographed in a shirt that read “6MWE”, which stands for “6 Million Wasn’t Enough”. The online communiques exchanged by some organisers and participants made frequent reference to “globalists” and to George Soros, a Jew and billionaire financier. Both are “code” for Jews and Jewish interests – a code that most people have no trouble breaking. Many openly proclaimed their allegiance to QAnon, an online group with a decidedly antisemitic cast. There were also multiple examples of Christian nationalism, an ideology that proclaims America is a Christian nation in which only Christians – and preferably white Christians – should prevail. According to these nationalists, America is under attack from “globalists” (again) and “non-­believers”. This assault shocked and surprised many people. It was unprecedented. (The Capitol had been attacked previously, but that was in 1812 by the British, not a swarm of American citizens.) I was not, * This essay uses the author’s preferred spelling of antisemitism. 54 the jewish quarterly
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however, surprised by either the insurrection or the antisemitism that was part of it. Rather than an ex nihilo event, it constituted a link in the growing chain of far-­right extremist violence. During recent years, the United States – as well as much of Europe – has witnessed a decided growth in and sophistication of far-­right white-­power movements. Now that they have emerged more fully into the daylight, it is important that we recognise how the racism and antisemitism within them are inextricably linked. White power’s blend of racism and antisemitism Racism and white supremacy are fundamental to these extremist right-­wing movements. They are open, direct and unashamed about this. Note, for example, the presence of the Confederate flag at many of their gatherings, including on Capitol Hill. They freely proclaim their “white power”, “white supremacist” or “white nationalist” agenda. However, there is another defining component shared by these movements. I speak, of course, of antisemitism. Simply put, antisemitism is the foundation stone that allows them to “logically” attack, deride and demean people of colour. In his critically important essay “Skin in the Game” (2017), Eric Ward, who, as an academic and a Black man, has confronted white power and racism on both scholarly and personal levels, observes: “Antisemitism is the fuel that White nationalist ideology uses to power its anti-­Black racism, its contempt for other people of color, and its xenophobia – as well as the misogyny and other forms of hatred it holds dear.” In many quarters, particularly at the liberal end of the spectrum, there is an inclination to ignore this antisemitism or to treat it as a “sidebar” or ancillary element of white power rather than something fundamental to it. Many, in fact, not only ignore it, but lash out at Jews white insurrections 55

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dates or the sequence of events, thereby falsifying their meaning. In both cases, the falsifications and inventions are cited by one denier and then another in a merry-­go-­round of tautological legitimation. Sometimes the denial is expressed tentatively, yet it is no less dangerous. I have described this form of denial as the “yes-­but” syndrome: Yes, of course there was a Holocaust, but I’ve heard that gas chambers were impossible. Yes, Trump may have lost, but the election was not fair. There is a parallel between the “methodology”of these two types of denial – though, I stress, certainly not between the events themselves. For the deniers to believe their version they must ignore reams of documentation and evidence, and countless witnesses.

To return to January 6th, one thing that captured people’s attention were the displays of overt antisemitism.* Some of the insurrectionists wore “Camp Auschwitz” apparel. At least one had “Staff ” printed on the back of his shirt. Another had been previously photographed in a shirt that read “6MWE”, which stands for “6 Million Wasn’t Enough”. The online communiques exchanged by some organisers and participants made frequent reference to “globalists” and to George Soros, a Jew and billionaire financier. Both are “code” for Jews and Jewish interests – a code that most people have no trouble breaking. Many openly proclaimed their allegiance to QAnon, an online group with a decidedly antisemitic cast. There were also multiple examples of Christian nationalism, an ideology that proclaims America is a Christian nation in which only Christians – and preferably white Christians – should prevail. According to these nationalists, America is under attack from “globalists” (again) and “non-­believers”.

This assault shocked and surprised many people. It was unprecedented. (The Capitol had been attacked previously, but that was in 1812 by the British, not a swarm of American citizens.) I was not, * This essay uses the author’s preferred spelling of antisemitism.

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